Inspired, they returned to Mexico and formed the Frente de Liberación Homosexual de México (Homosexual Liberation Front of Mexico, or FLH).
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Cosmopolitan middle- and upper-class queers traveled to New York City in 1969 in the wake of the Stonewall Riots and to Europe to meet members of the French front homosexuel d’action révolutionnaire. But just as past gay social life had been class-stratified, so was early organizing. So, in the early 1970s, inspired by the 1968 student movement as well as the recent rises of feminism, anti-imperialism, and the civil rights movement, Mexico City’s queer people began to organize. It’s important to remember that the queer movement emerged out of precisely these coalitions-solidarity between middle-class and working-class queer activists and with other groups fighting for liberation such as workers, immigrants, and oppressed racial groups. Murders in the community went uninvestigated. The Mexico City police knew where to find them too, and subjected gay and/or cross-dressing men to verbal harassment and razzias (raids) at bars. Though “hidden,” these queer social spaces were never fully out of sight-interested people could go to the right public spaces, department stores, restaurants, and clubs, look the part, and ask the right questions to find others like them. Some searched out hookups with poor gay men in bars or on street corners, slumming in what they called the “ guetos lumpen” or “lumpen ghettos.” Poor homosexuales, especially the vestidas or cross-dressing men, engaged in sex work. Wealthy gays gathered in private homes or in clubs with expensive entry fees.
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In the face of this, Mexico City queers of the mid-20th century created class-based, largely hidden social lives. While same-sex acts had been technically legal in Mexico since the late 19th century, individuals who identified as jotos, vestidas, lesbianas, homosexuales, travestis, mujercitos, and bisexuales (terms that refer to people who engaged in same-sex acts and/or questioned gender expectations, and do not map perfectly to today’s LGBTQ categories in the United States) faced ostracization from family and friends and harassment, arrest, and extortion by police via public decency laws.
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When economic crises accentuate class-based tensions, it plays out as conflict over how to be queer and how to fight for queer liberation.Īs in many other parts of the world, publicly visible queer activism in Mexico began in the 1970s. Around the world, they wrestle with economics, politics, and with what those things have to do with sexual and gender identity. Why? Because queer activists are shaped by class and other factors. In both historical moments, economic and political crises fractured the queer community. Today, queer people face a parallel conjuncture: economic recession, contentious politics, and a War on Drugs that has increased violence against women and LGBTQ Mexicans, and now COVID-19.
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In 1983, queer Mexicans faced turbulent times, grappling with the effects of the crushing 1982 debt crisis, early news of the AIDS epidemic, and fallout from U.S. Many contemporary queer Mexicans don’t know this history, yet it is more important than ever today. In 1984, they even came to blows, pushing and shoving each other at the marches’ end point, the Hemiciclo a Benito Juárez. Embassy to burn Ronald Reagan in effigy to protest U.S. This second march also included a stop at the U.S. The other included not only queer Mexicans but also sex workers and punk-like chavos banda, who laughed, danced, and wreaked fun havoc-or, in Mexican parlance, engaged in desmadre. One was a traditional march, with a serious tone in line with the established patterns for Mexican leftist marches. On June 25, 1983, two distinct marches set out from Mexico City’s Monumento a Los Niños Héroes.